Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma

Road to Spain

Family

Xavier was born to a highly aristocratic Bourbon-Parma family; in the mid-18th century the branch emerged from the Spanish Bourbons, who in turn emerged from the French Bourbons few decades earlier. Along the patriline Xavier was descendant to the king of France Louis XIV and to the king of Spain Felipe V. Among his great-great-grandparents, Louis I was the king of Etruria, Vittorio Emanuele I was the king of Sardinia and the duke of Savoy, Charles X was the king of France, Francisco I was the king of Two Sicilies, Pedro III was the king of Portugal, Maria I was the queen of Portugal and Brazil, and Carlos IV was the king of Spain; among his great-grandparents, Charles II was the duke of Parma and João VI was the king of Portugal; among his grandparents, Charles III was the duke of Parma and Miguel I was the king of Portugal. Xavier’s father, Robert (1848-1907) was the last ruling duke of Parma, and Xavier’s mother, Maria Antonia de Braganza (1862-1959), was exile-born daughter of the 1834-deposed king of Portugal.

Many of Xavier’s uncles and aunts came from European royal or ducal families, though the only one actually ruling was his mother’s sister, Maria Anna de Braganza, Grand Duchess of Luxembourg. The other three were claiming the throne: his mother’s brother, the Portuguese Miguelist pretender Dom Miguel, his father’s sister, the Carlist queen of Spain Margarita de Bourbon-Parma and another sister of his mother, also the Carlist queen of Spain, María de las Nieves de Braganza. One uncle, archduke Karl Ludwig, was official heir to the throne of Austro-Hungary. Of Xavier’s cousins the only two who actually ruled were Elisabeth, the queen consort of Belgium and Charlotte, the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg. Xavier’s step-cousin, archduke Franz Ferdinand, was official heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne. Two cousins were legitimist pretenders; along the paternal line Don Jaime, the Carlist claimant to the Spanish throne, and along the maternal line Dom Duarte Nuño, the Miguelist claimant to the Portuguese throne.

Some Xavier’s siblings have married into the ruling European houses and few have actually ruled: these were the cases of his younger sister Zita, who in 1911 married into the imperial Habsburg family to become the empress of Austria and the queen of Hungary in 1916-1918, and this of his younger brother Felix, who in 1919 married into the ducal Nassau family and was the duke-consort of Luxembourg in 1919-1970. Some Xavier’s siblings were closely related to actual rulers: these were the cases of his younger brother René, who in 1921 married into the royal Danish family, this of his younger brother Louis, who in 1939 married into the royal Italian family, and this of his older half-sister Maria Luisa, who in 1893 married into the royal Bulgarian family. Some Xavier’s siblings married into ducal or otherwise distinguished highly aristocratic houses. Six mentally handicapped older half-siblings have never married and three of Xavier’s sisters became Benedictine nuns.

Infancy, childhood and youth (before 1914)

Though deposed as Duke of Parma in 1859, Xavier’s father kept claiming the title. He retained massive wealth, comprising estates in Italy and Austria; moreover, in the late 19th century the Bourbon-Parma inherited the magnificent Chambord castle. The family, consisting of Robert, his second wife and some 20 children from both marriages lived in two homes, in Pianore and in Schwarzau. They used to spend half a year in each location, shuttling in a special train and taking even children’s horses with them. Xavier’s childhood was full of serenity, luxury and cheerfulness, though relations with half-siblings from the first marriage were not equally cordial. The Bourbon-Parma were deeply Roman Catholic and essentially French in culture and understanding; another language spoken was German. In his childhood Xavier picked up also Italian - spoken with the Pianore locals, English – spoken with various visitors, Portuguese and Spanish – used in certain relations, and Latin – used in church. The family were frequently visited by guests from the world of aristocracy, books and universities.

In 1899 Xavier followed in the footsteps of his older brother Sixte and entered Stella Matutina, a prestigious Jesuit establishment in the Austrian Feldkirch. Though catering to Catholic aristocracy from all over Europe, the school offered Spartan conditions; when later enquired how he survived the Nazi concentration camp, prince Xavier joked: "I frequented the Stella. It's not easy to kill us". The school ensured a model of humble religiosity, the staff ensured high teaching standards, and the mix of boys from different countries ensured a spirit of international comradeship. Xavier graduated in the mid-1900s; in 1906 moved to Paris, still trailing his older brother and commencing university studies. Unlike Sixte, who studied law, he pursued two different paths: political-economic sciences and agronomy. He completed both, graduating as engineer in agronomy and doctor in politics/economy. The year or years of him completing the curriculum are not clear; one source points to 1914. He has never commenced a professional career.

In 1910 the wealth of the late Robert Bourbon-Parma was divided among the family. Children from the first marriage, and especially Élie, custodian of his handicapped siblings, were allocated most of the real estate; Robert’s second wife and children from the second marriage were earmarked hefty financial compensation, usufruct rights and minor properties. Already on his own, Xavier was based in Paris but cruised across Europe. One reason was family business, often with political background; e.g. in 1911 Xavier travelled to Austria to attend the wedding of his sister with archduke Karl Habsburg, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne; in 1912 he travelled via Spain to Portugal, accompanying his aunt during a Portuguese legitimist plot. Another reason was following his personal interest. Xavier seemed heavily influenced by Sixte, who developed a knack for geographical exploration. In 1909 both brothers travelled to the Balkans; in 1912 they roamed across Egypt, Palestine and the Near East. In 1914 they intended to travel to Persia, India and possibly the Himalayas.

Soldier and diplomat (1914-1918)

News of the Sarajevo assassination reached Xavier and Sixte in Austria, en route to Asia. Enraged by murder of their step-cousin, both brothers intended to enlist to the Austrian army and seek revenge. Things changed when France declared war on Vienna. Though some of the Bourbon-Parma siblings – Zita, René, Felix and the half-brother Élie – sided with Austro-Hungary and males joined the imperial troops, Xavier and Sixte felt Frenchmen through and through. They openly intended to enlist to the French army, the declaration which might have cost them detention. It took personal appeals of Zita before the kaiser took steps which prevented their incarceration and allowed them to leave Austria for a neutral country. When back in France Xavier and Sixte indeed volunteered, only to find that the French law banned members of foreign dynasties from serving. Determined to join, they contacted their cousin Elisabeth, the queen consort of Belgium, who looked to it that both were allowed to serve in the Belgian military. Due to car accident suffered by Sixte, the brothers joined ranks of the Belgian army no earlier than in late November 1914. Xavier was initially accepted as private in medical services and was seconded to the 7th artillery regiment. Exact details of his service are not clear; what was left of the pre-war Belgian army served on a relatively calm sector of the frontline, in the Belgian and French Flanders next to the English Channel. At unspecified time Xavier was released from the line and got seconded to an officer training course, organized by the Belgian general staff, which he completed successfully. In mid-1916 he was sub-lieutenant, later to grow to captain.

In the late 1916 Xavier got engaged in the so-called Sixtus Affair, a secret Austrian attempt to conclude a separatist peace. The new kaiser Karl I decided to exploit his family ties and friendship with the Bourbon-Parma brothers, trusting especially in the skills and intelligence of Sixte. As loyal French citizens, both agreed to undertake the mission only having first obtained consent of the French government. The role of Xavier is generally considered secondary to this of Sixte, though he was present during some crucial meetings, be it with the French authorities in Paris or with the Austro-Hungarian envoys in Switzerland and in Vienna; however, some scholars refer to "mediation des princes Sixte et Xavier". Negotiations broke down in early 1917 and the issue seemed closed; leaked by Clemenceau in May 1918, it turned into a political crisis and a scandal, which wrecked the prestige of the young emperor. Xavier and Sixte, at that time in Vienna, were considered endangered, menaced either by the Austrian foreign minister Czernin, willing to get rid of witnesses, or as victims of popular wrath. The incident is considered "perhaps the ultimate example of amateurish aristocratic diplomacy gone awry during the First World War", though none of the sources consulted tends to blame Xavier for the final failure. It is not clear whether he returned to military service afterwards. At the moment of the armistice he was in the rank of a major of the Belgian army, awarded the French Croix de Guerre, the Belgian Croix de Guerre, and the Belgian Ordré de Léopold.

Plaintiff and husband (1920s)

Immediately after the war Xavier was engaged in assisting Zita and Karl following their deposition. In 1919 together with Sixte he travelled to England and contacted king George V; the British support materialized as a liaison officer, dispatched to the republican Austria to assist the unhappy couple on their route to exile. However, it soon turned out that it was his own business which attracted most of Xavier’s attention. Following wartime financial turmoil and expropriations of some family estates, economic prospects of both brothers seemed rather bleak. As a counter-measure, they decided to challenge the French state, which in 1915 seized Chambord as property of Élie, the Austrian officer; the Versailles Treaty stipulations allowed to conclude the seizure legally if combined with paying compensation fee. Sixte and Xavier sued; they claimed that the family-agreed 1910 partition, based on the Austrian concept of an indivisible majorate, was not applicable in the French law, and that the Chambord property should be divided; they claimed also that as volunteers to the French and Belgian armies, they should be exempted from expropriation procedure. Centred on fortune-worth Chambord property, in fact the lawsuit was directed against Élie. In 1925 the court accepted brothers’ point of view, the decision immediately appealed by their half-brother. In 1928 the case was overturned in favor of Élie, the decision appealed by both brothers. In 1932 the Court of Cassation upheld the 1928 decision, which eventually left Xavier and Sixte frustrated in their bid.

Resident in Paris and living off the family wealth remaining, Xavier reached his mid-30s when he was attracted to Madeleine de Bourbon-Busset, 9 years his junior, daughter to Count de Lignières and descendant to a cadet branch of the French Bourbons. The Bourbon-Bussets have been related to a centuries-old aristocratic controversy; historically regarded non-dynastic as set up in the 15th century by an illegitimate relationship, by enemies the branch was lambasted as bastards. Would-be marriage of prince Xavier and Madeleine might have resulted in stripping their children off Bourbon-Parma ducal heritage rights, depending upon decision of head of the branch. Since the death of Robert, it was Élie who headed the family; he declared the would-be marriage non-dynastic and morganatic. Despite this stand, Xavier wed Madeleine in 1927 and some newspapers titled her "princesse".

As the Bourbon-Bussets enjoyed significant wealth the marriage changed financial status of Xavier, especially that Madeleine had no living older brothers. The couple settled in Bostz castle, where Xavier managed the rural economy of his in-laws; their first child was born in 1928, to be followed by the other 5 throughout the 1930s. Following the 1932 death of his father-in-law, Xavier became head of the family business, crowned with the Lignières castle. Little is known of his public activity at that time, except that he was engaged in various non-political though conservatism-flavored Catholic initiatives. Perhaps the most happy period of his life was punctured by the premature 1934 death of Sixte, for decades Xavier’s best friend and sort of a mentor.

From prince Xavier to Don Javier (1930s)

Exact political views of Xavier are not clear; until the mid-1930s he did not engage in openly political activity, though he figured prominently in some French royalist initiatives. Himself son of a deposed ruler and his own sister deposed as empress, he had some relatives – associated with France, Spain and Portugal – engaged in legitimist politics, though others – associated with Luxembourg, Belgium, Denmark and Italy – fit rather in a general liberal-democratic monarchist framework. None of the sources consulted provides information on his views on ongoing French politics. Few note that his brother Sixte was a legitimist, who in scientific dissertation advanced rights of the Spanish Bourbons to the crown of France; on the other hand, his half-brother Élie openly abandoned the legitimist outlook. Some scholars claim that prince Xavier remained within "más pura doctrina tradicionalista"; others suggest that he nurtured democratic ideas.

Though his paternal uncle was until 1909 the legitimist claimant to the throne of Spain, succeeded by prince Xavier’s own cousin, prince Xavier – a Frenchman at heart – himself did not reveal any particular interest in Spanish issues, even though he maintained close links with his cousin, in the 1920s resident in Paris. This changed when Jaime III died unexpectedly in 1931 and was succeeded in his Carlist claim by Alfonso Carlos I. Resident in Vienna, octogenarian and childless, Alfonso Carlos was doubly related to the Bourbon-Parmas; the two families remained on close terms. His ascendance to the Carlist claim was from the onset plagued by the succession problem, as it was already evident that the Carlist dynasty would extinguish. As measure to address the issue, in the early 1930s Alfonso Carlos pondered upon reconciliation with the Alfonsine branch. It is not clear whether he commenced talks with other members of the family about a strictly Carlist succession in parallel, as option B, or whether he embarked on this course having abandoned the plans of dynastic agreement in 1934-1935.

Following the death of Sixte in 1934 Xavier became the most senior Bourbon-Parma partner of Alfonso Carlos. The two must have discussed the question of Carlist succession extensively, yet there is no information on details. In particular, it is not clear whether Alfonso Carlos suggested that Xavier succeeds him as a king – proposal possibly rejected by the Bourbon-Parma, or whether regency was the option preferred from the onset. Scholars speculate that it was prince Xavier’s legitmism, Christian spirit, modesty, impartiality and lack of political ambitions which prompted Alfonso Carlos to appoint him as a future regent. What prompted Xavier to accept the proposal remains unclear. Some suspect that he gave in to the pressure of his uncle, and considered accepting the regency as his family, legitimist and Christian duty. In any case, Xavier probably viewed his future regency, announced in the Carlist press in January 1936 and to commence after death of Alfonso Carlos, in terms of months rather than years. It was supposed to provide royal continuity before a general Carlist assembly appoints a new king.

Regent

Wartime leader (1936-1939)

Contrary to expectations, the Spanish February 1936 elections produced victory of the Popular Front and the country embarked on a proto-revolutionary course. The Carlists first commenced preparations to their own rising, and then entered into negotiations with the conspiring military. For prince Xavier events took an unexpected turn. Instead of calmly familiarizing himself with the Spanish Carlists to organize smooth election of a new king following anticipated death of Alfonso Carlos, the latter asked him to supervise the conspiracy. Prince Xavier, in Spain known as Don Javier, set his headquarters in Sant-Jean-de-Luz and from June to July kept receiving Carlist politicians. In terms of negotiations with the generals, he adopted an orthodox Carlist, rigorous and intransigent stand. Though some Carlists pressed almost unconditional adherence to military conspiracy, Don Javier demanded that a partnership political deal is concluded first. He was eventually outmaneuvered and the Carlists joined the coup on vague terms; their key asset was the pre-agreed Jefe Supremo del Movimiento, general Sanjurjo, who in earlier Lisbon talks with Don Javier pledged to represent the Carlist interests.

The death of Sanjurjo was a devastating blow to Carlist plans; political power among the rebels slipped to a group of generals, indifferent if not skeptical about the Carlist cause. Don Javier, in the late summer watching the events unfold from Sant-Jean-de-Luz, was supervising increasing Carlist military effort, but was also unable to engage in discussion with the generals. Following death of Alfonso Carlos, on October 1 Don Javier was declared the acting regent; he found himself heading the movement during massive and overwhelming turmoil. Denied entry to Spain, he limited himself to written protest letters over marginalisation of Carlism within the Nationalist faction. Faced with growing pressure to amalgamate Carlist organization within a new state party in early 1937 he advocated intransigence, but was again outmaneuvered into a silent wait-and-see stand. Following Unification Decree he entered Spain in May; sporting a requeté general uniform and in apparent challenge of Franco he toured the frontlines, lifting Carlist spirits. A week later he was expelled from Spain.

Following another brief visit and another expulsion in late 1937, Don Javier aimed at safeguarding Carlist political identity against the unification attempts, though he refrained also from burning all bridges with the emerging Francoist regime. He permitted few trusted Carlists to sit in the FET executive, but expelled from Comunión Tradicionalista those who had taken seats without his consent. In full accord with the actual Carlist political leader in Spain, Manuel Fal Conde, in 1938-1939 Don Javier managed to prevent amalgamation into the state party, and intended unification turned into absorption of offshoot Carlists. On the other hand, he failed to prevent marginalisation of Carlism, stripped of its circulos, periodicals and organizations, and to avert growing bewilderment among the rank and file. In 1939 he repeated his offer to Franco in Manifestación de ideales, a document which suggested immediate restoration of Traditionalist monarchy with transitory collective regency, possibly encompassing himself and Franco. The proposal was left with no response.

Soldier, incommunicado, prisoner (1939-1945)

Upon the outbreak of the Second World War Prince Xavier resumed his duties in the Belgian Army, serving as major in his old artillery unit. As the Germans advanced swiftly the Belgians were pushed back to Flanders, towards the English Channel. Incorporated into the French troops, the regiment was withdrawn into Dunkerque. In the mayhem that followed, the Belgians did not make it to the British evacuation ships and Don Javier became the German POW. Released promptly, he returned to family castles of Lignières in Berry and of Bostz, in Besson dans l’Allier. The properties were divided by the demarcation line, Lignières in the occupied zone and Bostz in the Vichy zone.

In late 1940 and early 1941, Prince Xavier assisted in opening the so-called "Halifax-Chevalier negotiations", a confidential correspondence exchange between the British Foreign Secretary and the Petain-government education minister, centred mostly on working out a modus vivendi between the British and the French colonies. The exact role of Prince Xavier is unclear. Some scholars claim he served as an intermediary, trusted by the British royal family, including king George VI, and by Pétain; as he did not leave France, it seems that he wrote letters which provided credibility for the envoys sent. Though the episode is subject to controversy, by some viewed as a proof of Petain’s double game and by some largely as a hagiographic mystification, the debate hardly relates to the role of Xavier.

In the early 1940s, Prince Xavier was increasingly isolated from Spanish affairs; neither he or the Spanish Carlists were permitted to cross the frontier, while correspondence remained under wartime censorship. Documents he passed, the most notable of them being known as Manifiesto de Santiago (1941), urged that intransigence though not openly rebellious anti-Francoist actions be maintained; with the regent and periodically detained Fal largely incommunicados, Carlism decayed into bewilderment and disorientation.

In 1941-1943 Prince Xavier lived in political isolation, dedicated to his family and managing the Bourbon-Parma wealth; in 1941 he inherited from his late aunt the Puchheim castle in Austria. Prince Xavier became increasingly sympathetic towards the anti-Pétain opposition and via local priests maintained informal contact with district Resistance leaders. At one point he joined works of Comité d'Aide aux Réfractaires du STO and welcomed labor camp escapees in wooden areas of his estates, providing basic logistics and setting up shelters for the sick in his library. When two of them were detected and detained, Prince Xavier cycled to Vichy and successfully sought their release. Exposing himself, following a surveillance period in July he was arrested by Gestapo. Sentenced to death for espionage and terrorism, he was pardoned by Pétain; first confined in Clermont-Ferrand, Schirmeck and Natzwiller, in September he was finally imprisoned in Dachau as prisoner no. 156270. The Nazis asked Franco about his fate; the Caudillo declared total disinterest. Periodically condemned to the starvation bunker, when freed by the Americans in April 1945, Prince Xavier weighed 36 kg.

Re-launch (1945-1952)

Having returned to health, in late summer of 1945 prince Xavier testified at the trial of Pétain; his account was largely favorable for the marshal. In December he clandestinely entered Spain for a few days. In a series of meetings held mostly in San Sebastián, the regent and the Carlist executive agreed re-organisation basics of the Carlist structures. Don Javier fully confirmed the authority of Fal Conde and affirmed the intransigent political line, formulated in a 1947 document known as La única solución. It was based on non-collaborative though also non-rebellious stand versus Francoism, refusal to enter into dynastic negotiations with the Alfonsine branch, and hard line versus those who demonstrated excessive support for own Carlist royal candidates, even if theoretically they did not breach loyalty to Don Javier’s regency. With the rank and file Don Javier communicated by means of manifiestos, read during Carlist feasts and urging loyalty to Traditionalist values.

In the late 1940s the policy of Don Javier and Fal Conde, dubbed javierismo or falcondismo, was increasingly contested within the Comunión. The Sivattistas pressed for terminating the regency and for Don Javier to declare himself the king. They suspected that the overdue regency was an element of Don Javier’s policy towards Franco; according to them, the regent intended to ensure the crown for the Bourbon-Parma by means of appeasement rather than by means of open challenge. In particular they were enraged by allegedly ambiguous stand versus the proposed Francoist Ley de Sucesión, considering it an unacceptable backing of the regime. On the other hand, the possibilists were getting tired of what they perceived as ineffective intransigence and lack of legal outposts, recommending more flexible attitude. Especially following the 1949 news about Franco’s negotiations with Don Juan, Don Javier found himself under pressure to assume a more active stance.

Don Javier and Fal stuck to rigorous discipline and dismissed Sivatte from Catalan jefatura, though they also tried to reinvigorate Carlism by permitting individual participation in local elections, seeking a national daily or building up student and workers’ organizations. However, gradually also Fal was getting convinced that the regency was a burden rather than an asset. There were almost no calls to terminate it as initially envisioned by Alfonso Carlos, i.e. by staging a grand Carlist assembly, and there are no signs that Don Javier contemplated such an option; almost all voices called for him simply to assume monarchic rights himself. During the 1950 tour across Vascongadas and 1951 one across Levante he still tried to maintain low profile, but in 1952 Don Javier decided to bow to the pressure, apparently against his own will and considering it another cross to bear. During the Eucharistic Congress in Barcelona he published a document, styled as a letter to his son; it referred to "assumption of royalty in succession of the last king", though also to pending "promulgation at the nearest opportunity" and with no mention about the regency.

King

Rather not a king (1952-1957)

The Carlist leaders were exhilarated and made sure that the declaration, presented as end of the regency and commencing the rule of king Javier I, gets distributed across the party network; upon receiving the news, the rank and file got euphoric. However, the very next day Don Javier shared comments which put that understanding in doubt. When approached by the Minister of Justice, he declared having signed no document and explained that his statement in no way implied he had proclaimed himself a king. These assurances did not work with the Francoist regime, and in a matter of hours Don Javier was promptly expelled from Spain.

The years of 1953-54 provided a contrasting picture: the Carlist leaders boasted of having a new king, while Don Javier withdrew to Lignières, reducing his political activity to receiving guests and to correspondence. In private he played down what had already became known as "Acto de Barcelona", dubbing it "un toutté petite ceremonie". Carlist dissenters, temporarily silenced, started to be heard again. Don Javier seemed increasingly tired of his role and leaning towards a dynastical understanding with Don Juan. His brief early 1955 visit to Spain en route to Portugal fuelled angry rumors of forthcoming rapprochement with the Alfonsists as Don Javier made some ambiguous comments, named the 1952 statement "a grave error" and declared having been bullied into it. At this point relations between him and Fal reached the lowest point; Fal, attacked from all sides and feeling no royal support, resigned. According to some scholars, Don Javier sacked him in "a rather cowardly, backhand manner". Fal was soon replaced by a collegial executive. In late 1955 Don Javier issued a manifesto which declared the Carlists "custodians of patrimony" rather than political party seeking power and in private considered his royal claim a hindrance to alliance of all reasonable people. The year of 1956 proved convulsing, with a number of contradictory declarations following one another in circles; one episode cost Don Javier another expulsion from Spain.

The apparent stalemate was interrupted by emergence of a new force. The young Carlists, disappointed with vacillating Don Javier, focused on his oldest son Hugues instead. Entirely alien to politics and at the time pursuing PhD in economics in Oxford, he agreed to throw himself into the Spanish affairs. Don Javier consented to his 1957 appearance on the annual Montejurra gathering, where the young prince, guided by his equally young aides, made explicit references to "my father, the king". As prince Hugues was ignorant as to Carlism and he barely spoke Spanish, it seems that his father has never considered him own successor, eager rather to free himself and the entire family from the increasingly heavy Carlist burden. It is not clear what he thought about his son unexpectedly engaging in Spanish politics; perhaps he felt relieved having found a replacement or support. To many, it seemed that he "had given up prevaricating".

Rather a king (1957-1962)

Under leadership of José María Valiente and with consent of Don Javier, the collegial Carlist executive commenced cautious collaboration with the regime. It is not entirely clear how this major change of policy was related to appearance of prince Hugues. According to one theory, the young entourage decided to introduce him banking on a new strategy and posing to present an offer to Franco. According to another, with new long-term perspectives related to his son opening, Don Javier changed course hoping that the regime might one day crown the young prince. One more reading has it that the changing political course and the introduction of Hugues coincided as results of two independent processes. One way or another, starting 1957 Don Javier was gradually permitting his son to assume more and more roles within Carlism.

In the late 1950s Don Javier firmly abandoned any thought of reconciliation with the Alfonsinos and instructed harsh measures versus those who approached them; however, he remained respectful towards Don Juan and avoided open challenge, still falling short of explicitly claiming the title. He supported Valiente – his position gradually reinforced formally up to new Jefe Delegado in 1958-1960 - in attempts to eradicate internal focos of rebellion against collaboration and to combat new openly secessionist anti-collaborative groups. Though 20 years earlier he expelled from the Comunión those who had accepted seats in the Francoist structures, at the turn of the decades Don Javier viewed the appointment of 5 Carlists to the Cortes as success of the collaborationist policy, especially that the regime permitted new Carlist legal outposts and the movement seemed visibly reinvigorated, now openly present in the public discourse.

Another milestone came in 1961-62. First, in a symbolic gesture Don Javier declared Hugues "duque de San Jaime", a historic title borne by Alfonso Carlos; then, he instructed his followers to perceive the prince as embodiment of "a king". Hugues, styling himself as Carlos Hugo, settled in Madrid and set up his Secretariat, a personal advisory body. For the first time in history, a Carlist heir officially lived in the capital and openly pursued his own politics. From this moment onwards, Don Javier was increasingly perceived as ceding daily business to his son and merely providing general supervision from the back seat. Carlos Hugo was gradually taking control of communication channels with his father, replacing him also as a key person representing the house of Bourbon-Parma in Spain. Moreover, three daughters of Don Javier, all in their 20s, with apparent consent of their father engaged themselves in campaigns intended to enhance the standing of their brother in the Spanish public ambience; the younger son of Don Javier, Sixte, soon followed suit.

King, the father (1962-1969)

Carlos Hugo and his aides embarked on activist policy, launching new initiatives and ensuring that the young prince gets increasingly recognized in national media. In terms of political content the group started to advance heterodox theories, focused on society as means and objective of politics. In terms of strategy, until the mid-1960s it was formatted as advances towards the socially-minded, hard Falangist core; afterwards it started to assume an increasingly Marxist flavor. As orthodox Traditionalists got more and more perturbed, they tried to alarm Don Javier about apparently dissident course of his son. However, Don Javier kept assuring them that he maintained full confidence in Carlos Hugo and that while the principles remained the same, new times required new practical concepts. He also kept endorsing subsequent waves of structural changes, which combined with personal decisions in the mid-1960s left the Comunión dominated by Carlos Hugo and his entourage. In the so-called Acto de Puchheim of 1965 for the first time Don Javier explicitly called himself "rey" and from this moment onwards he remained consistent repeatedly claiming the title.

Actual position of Don Javier versus changes being introduced by his son remains highly unclear and subject to conflicting accounts, most pursued by highly partisan historians. Some claim that from the onset he nurtured democratic sentiments and was uneasy about ultra-reactionary deviation of Carlism. They maintain that Don Javier was fully aware and entirely supportive of transformation triggered by Carlos Hugo, intended as renovation of genuine Carlist thought and as shaking the Traditionalist distortions off. Another group of students claims that aging Don Javier, at that time in his late 70s, was increasingly detached from Spanish issues; reportedly unaware of political course sponsored by Carlos Hugo, he was perhaps manipulated – and at later stages incapacitated - by his son and three daughters, who intercepted all incoming correspondence and re-edited the outgoing one. Finally, one more group of scholars refrains from conclusions and limit themselves to referring letters, declarations and statements.

As late as 1966 Don Javier went on courting Franco, but the years of 1967-1969 re-defined his relation with Carlism and with Spain. In 1967 he had accepted resignation of Valiente, the last Traditionalist bulwark in the executive, and entrusted political leadership of the Comunión to a set of collegial bodies, all dominated by Hugocarlistas; the move marked their final victory in struggle to control the organization. In 1968 Carlos Hugo was expelled from Spain; in a demonstrative gesture, few days later Don Javier flew to Madrid, shortly to be expelled – for the 5th time - as well. This episode marked the end of an increasingly sour dialogue with the regime and the Carlist shift to unconditional opposition; Don Javier would never return to Spain again. In 1969 the Alfonsist prince Juan Carlos was officially introduced as the future king and successor to Franco; the ceremony marked the ultimate crash of Bourbon-Parmas’ hopes for the crown.

Old king, former king (1969-1977)

Resident mostly in Lignières Don Javier withdrew to issuing sporadic manifestos, read by his son at Carlist gatherings. They pitted Carlism, representing a democratic Spain, against oligarchic Spain of capitalist minority (1969), advanced Christian liberty against totalitarian communist and capitalist designs (1970), hailed the advent of revolution, supposed to build a new world (1971), and professed a social monarchy (1972). Key words, re-appearing repeatedly, were "peace", "liberties", "justice", "democracy" and "peoples", with omnipresent "social" adjective and few mentions about God. Don Javier kept naming himself a king, sometimes signing with a more intimate "your old king". Documents he issued endorsed structural changes introduced by Carlos Hugo, who turned Comunión Tradicionalista into Partido Carlista. Personal encounters of Don Javier with anyone beyond political entourage of Carlos Hugo were extremely rare. According to one account in such cases he behaved passively, limiting himself to courtesy greetings and allowing his son and daughters to run the meeting, though seemingly approving of their stand.

In 1972 Don Javier suffered life-threatening injuries resulting from a traffic accident and formally transferred all political authority to Carlos Hugo. In 1974, upon childless death of his step-nephew Roberto Bourbon-Parma, Don Javier ascended to head of the Bourbon-Parmas and assumed the Duke of Parma title. On the one hand, he was in position to enjoy family life; though his 4 younger children did not marry, the older 2 did, the marriages producing 8 grandchildren (born between 1960 and 1974). On the other hand, family relations were increasingly subject to political tension. While Hugues, Marie-Thérèse, Cécile and Marie des Neiges formed one team advancing the progressist agenda, the oldest daughter Françoise Marie, the youngest son Sixte and their mother Madeleine opposed the bid. Sixte, in Spain known as Don Sixto, openly challenged his brother; he declared himself the standard-bearer of Traditionalism and started building own organization.

In 1975 Don Javier abdicated as the Carlist king in favor of Carlos Hugo and expelled Sixto from Carlism for refusing to recognize the decision. It is not clear what his view on the commencing Spanish transición was; following the 1976 Montejurra events he lamented the dead, disowned political line of Don Sixto and called for Carlist unity. Early March 1977 proved convulsive; in few days Don Javier issued two declarations, certified by two different Paris notaries. In one he objected to his name being used to legitimize "grave doctrinal error within Carlism" and disowned political line promoted by Carlos Hugo; in another he confirmed his oldest son as "my only political successor and head of Carlism". First it was Carlos Hugo who alerted the police that his father had been abducted, and then it was Doña Madalena who declared that her husband had been taken by Carlos Hugo from hospital against medical advice and his own will. Eventually Don Javier was transferred to Switzerland, where he died shortly; the widow blamed the oldest son and 3 daughters for his death.

Reception and legacy

Barely noted in Spain until the Civil War, also afterwards Don Javier remained a little known figure, partially the result of censorship; Franco considered him a foreign prince. Among European royals he was respected but politically isolated. In the Carlist realm he grew from obscurity to iconic status, yet since the late 1950s he was being abandoned by successive groups, disappointed with his policy. Disintegration of Carlism accelerated after Don Javier’s death; Partido Carlista won no seats in general elections and in 1979 Carlos Hugo abandoned politics. This was also the case of his 3 sisters, though Marie Therese became a scholar in political sciences and advisor to Third World politicians. Sixte is heading Comunión Tradicionalista, one of two Traditionalist grouplets in Spain, and poses as a Carlist standard-bearer. The oldest living grandson of Don Javier, Charles-Xavier, styles himself as the head of the Carlist dynasty, oddly enough, without claiming the Spanish throne. In France a grouplet referred to as Lys Noir called him in 2015 a "king of France for tomorrow". The group is classified by some as Far Right and by some associated with Trotsky, Mao and Gaddaffi.

In partisan discourse Don Javier is generally held in high esteem, though Left-wing Partido Carlista militants and Right-wing Traditionalists offer strikingly different pictures of him. Authors admitting their Hugocarlista pedigree claim that from his youth Don Javier has nurtured democratic, progressive ideas, and in the 1960s he lent his full support to renovation of the Carlist thought. Authors remaining within the Traditionalist orthodoxy suggest that generally conservative, but in his 70s impaired by age, bewildered by Vaticanum II, misled and possibly incapacitated by his children, Don Javier presided over destruction of Carlism. Few go farther and claiming that evidence points to Don Javier having been fully supportive of the course sponsored by his son, they either talk about "deserción de la dinastía" or – with some hesitation - point to treason. Some, highly respectful though disappointed by perceived Don Javier’s ineptitude and vacillation as a leader, consider him the candidate for a saint rather than for a king.

In historiography prince Xavier earned no scientific monograph yet; the books published fall rather into hagiography. Apart from minor pieces related to the Sixtus Affair, Chambord litigation and Halifax-Chevalier negotiations, he is discussed as key protagonist in various works dealing with Carlism during the Francoist era. There are 4 PhD dissertations discussing post-civil-war Carlism, yet their offer contradictory conclusions. One presents Don Javier as a somewhat wavering person who eventually endorsed changes to be introduced by Carlos Hugo. One carefully notes his "peculiar position" yet it cautiously claims he kept backing the transformation. Two point to his "contradictory personality" and admit that his stand "might seem confusing", though they claim that generally conservative and faithful to Traditionalist principles, Don Javier was misguided and manipulated, inadvertently legitimizing the change he did not genuinely support. Some hints suggest that he has never seriously contemplated own royal bid, and headed Carlism as an ample cultural-spiritual movement, perhaps modelled on the French legitimism.